It didn’t fully dawn on me until I was watching in horror as a fully militarized ‘police force’; 6000 strong pointed loaded guns at innocent american citizens while they kicked in doors and searched house, after house, after house, with no legal justification or authority shortly after the FBI’s latest false flag terrorism bombing (drill) that took place in Boston a few short months ago. Does anyone really think that thing went down the way we have been told? Anyone who doesn’t think that this was a dress regearsal for martial law needs to go to you tube and spend some time reviewing what took place. Aside from the obvious problems inherent in a country that bombs it’s own citizens …it also was an epiphany for me because it signaled beyond my ability to rationalize and explain that we were losing this country. It was stunning the way our freedoms and liberties… but most of all our God given rights as outlined and memorialized in the US Constitution were completely forgotten and ignored. Thats when I knew that we no longer liver in the USA …land of the brave home of the free. Our country had been transformed right before our very eyes into a full blown police state and the 6000 ‘police officers’ who are the muscle and enforcement arm of this new despostism …the same people we empowered to protect us …now present a bigger danger to our safety and freedom than any terrorist orgamization that ever existed …and that includes our own propietary flavor we call al queda…what a joke.
As I researched the state of this new police state to try and understand when this transformation had happened and why hadn’t anyone noticed I discovered that it started before I was born ,with Reagan’s war on drugs (at least). That was the time that we turned our police loose on our own people and they used that opportunity to create criminals and fill our jails and prisons with non violent drug offenders… civil forfeiture laws that were passed monetized this game plan as law enforcement zeroed in on creating criminals out of minrotities and the poor on one extreme and then padded their budgets by manufacturing crimes and new criminals out of the people with assets they could take. The worst part about all of this is we all sat back and let them do it thankful that it wasn’t happening to us and every chance we had to hold them accountable …we sat on our hands satisfied with just voicing our outrage but never solving the problem.
While I was reading through our own history of domestic terrorism brought about by our own our of control police departments I ran into story after story of the evil committed by our own people against us. It’s a sad day when you realize that there are terrifying examples of mans inhumanity to man everywhere. As a people and a species history has shown that whenever we give people power over other people it is eventually abused at our own detriment…Here are some of the stories of the first casualities of our drift and slide towards the police state we now find ourselves in. Had we paid attention we could have stopped it when it would have been easier than it will be now.
Casualty #1 – Donald Scott
In October 1992, a team of police from state and federal agencies raided the ranch of 61-year-old Malibu millionaire Donald Scott. The raid was led by the Los Angeles County Sheriff’s Department, even though Scott actually lived in Ventura County. The police in that county weren’t notified of the raid. Scott’s new wife first encountered the police in the kitchen. Hearing her scream, Scott armed himself, and went to meet the intruders. He was shot dead in his home.
Scott was suspected of growing marijuana. Friends and relatives would later say that while Scott was a hard drinker, he wasn’t a drug user, and in fact deplored the use of illicit drugs. The raid turned up no marijuana plants, nor any evidence of marijuana growth.
A subsequent investigation by Ventura County District Attorney Michael Bradbury was highly critical of the investigation, raid, and motives of the police agencies involved. Bradbury found ample evidence that the police agencies — particularly the L.A. County sheriff’s office — were eyeing Scott’s $5 million ranch for asset forfeiture, and had been told by the DEA that it could initiate forfeiture proceedings if authorities found as few as 14 marijuana plants. The report found that the warrant affidavits included false information, misleading information, and omitted information that would have indicated to a judge that Scott wasn’t engaged in any illegal activity.
In 2000, Francis Plante — Scott’s widow — settled with the various agencies involved in her husband’s death for $5 million. No police officers were ever disciplined for Scott’s death.
Casualty #2 – Peter McWilliams
Shortly after California legalized medical marijuana in 1996, the Clinton administration began drug raids on dispensaries and cultivators, even though they were complying with federal law. One of those raids was on the Los Angeles marijuana grow operation of Todd McCormick and Peter McWilliams.
McCormick used pot to treat the pain associated with a cancer treatment that had fused two of his vertebrae. McWilliams had been diagnosed with AIDS, then with non-Hodgkins lymphoma brought on by AIDS. Smoking marijuana eased his nausea, which helped him keep take his medication both to manage his AIDS the chemotherapy for his lymphoma. McWilliams was a self-help author, and had become an outspoken civil liberties activist. With respect to pot, he also made no attempt to hide the fact that while it was medicinal, it also made him feel good. The high took his mind off the fact that he was battling two diseases.
McWilliams and McCormick were raided in 1997, by DEA agents — as McWilliams later described it, “guns drawn, commando-style.” Because they were tried on federal charges, the jury wasn’t allowed to hear that the two men had broken no California laws. McWilliams’ doctors were also prohibited from testifying about his marijuana use. Because of those restrictions, McWilliams pleaded guilty and hoped for leniency.
But after his arrest, McWilliams’ mother put up her house as collateral to post his bail. One condition of McWilliams’ bail was that he refrain from smoking marijuana. Prosecutors told McWilliams and his mother that if he failed a drug test or was caught with pot she’d lose her house. So McWilliams abstained from using the drug. Consequently, he got sicker.
McWilliams was found dead in his apartment on June 14, 2000. Overcome with nausea, he had thrown up, then choked and aspirated on his own vomit. The conservative icon and legalization advocate William F. Buckley eulogized McWilliams in his syndicated column.
Casualty #3 – Kathryn Johnston
In November 2006, a narcotics team from the Atlanta Police Department apprehended a man with a known drug history. They planted marijuana on him, then threatened to arrest him unless he gave them information about where they could find a supply of illegal drugs. He gave them the address of 92-year-old Kathryn Johnston. Instead of finding an informant to make a controlled buy from the address, the officer instead lied on the search warrant, inventing an informant and describing a drug buy that never happened.
When the police broke into Johnston’s home on the evening of November 21, 2006, she met them with an old, non-functioning revolver she used to scare off trespassers. They opened fire. Two officers were wounded from friendly fire. The other officers called for ambulances for their colleagues. Meanwhile, they handcuffed Johnston and left her to bleed to death in her own home while one office planted marijuana in her basement.
A subsequent federal investigation revealed that lying on drug warrants was common in the APD, the product of a quota system the department imposed on narcotics cops. That system was the result of the pool of federal funding for drug policing, funding for which the department competed with other police departments across the country. The federal investigation and media reports also found numerous other victims of wrong-door police raids in the years leading up to Johnston’s death. The entire narcotics department was later fired or transferred. While Johnston’s death led to calls for changes in the way the city enforces the drug laws, there was little in the way of real reform. The city instituted a civilian review board to oversee the police department, but its powers were severely weakened after complaints from the police union, and its first director eventually resigned in frustration.
Casualty #4 – Isaac Singletary
Known around the neighborhood as “Pops,” 80-year-old Isaac Singletary moved into his high-crime Jacksonville, Fla., neighborhood in 1987 to care for and protect his sister and mother, both of whom were sick at the time. The retired repairman was known to sit in front of his house in a lawn chair to shoo trespassers and drug dealers away from his property.
But in January 2007, two undercover narcotics cops, posed as drug dealers, set up shop on Singletary’s lawn. Singletary first came out of his house and yelled at them to leave. They didn’t. He went back inside. Minutes later, he came out again and told them to leave, this time while waving a handgun. One of the cops then opened fire. Wounded, Singletary tried to escape into his backyard. The cops chased him down and shot him again, this time in the back. Singletary died at the scene. They never told Singletary they were police officers.
The police initially claimed Singletary tried to rob them, then they claimed Singletary fired first. Five witnesses said that wasn’t true. Three months later, investigating state attorney Harry Shorstein initially expressed some frustration with the operation. “If we’re just selling drugs to addicts, I don’t know what we’re accomplishing,” he told the Florida Times-Union.
But three months later, Shorstein cleared the officers of any criminal wrongdoing. His report included a couple of inconsistencies. First, while attorneys for Singletary’s family found four witnesses who said the police fired first, Shorstein could find only one — a convicted drug dealer Shorstein deemed untrustworthy. Second, while Shorstein criticized the police officers for not identifying themselves before they started shooting at Singletary, he still put the bulk of the blame on Singletary himself. He concluded Singletary “was an armed civilian who refused orders to drop his gun,” even though Singletary thought the orders came from two drug dealers.
Ironically, Singletary’s death came a little less than two years after Florida passed a highly publicized law expanding the right to self-defense. The “Stand Your Ground” law removed the traditional legal requirement that when faced with a threat, you must first attempt to escape before using lethal force.
An internal report from the Jacksonville Sheriff’s Office also cleared the two undercover officers, Darrin Green and James Narcisse, of violating any department policies. The report, written by five members of the sheriff’s department, concluded that they had followed department procedures, and that “no further action” was necessary. Narcisse, the first officer to fire at Singletary, was later fired for disciplinary reasons that the sheriff’s department said were unrelated to the Singletary case.
Sheriff John Rutherford eventually conceded that Singletary was “a good citizen” and that his death was “a tragic incident.” But he also rebuffed calls to end undercover drug stings like the one police were conducting on Singletary’s property. Then-Florida Gov. Charlie Crist called it one of the “challenges” of keeping a community safe. In 2010, the city of Jacksonville agreed to pay Singletary’s family a $200,000 settlement, though the city admitted no wrongdoing.
Casualty #5 – Johnathan Ayers
In September 2009, Johnathan Ayers, a 28-year-old Baptist pastor from Lavonia, Ga., was gunned down by a North Georgia narcotics task force in the parking lot of a gas station. Police would later acknowledge he was not using or trafficking in illicit drugs. Instead, Ayers had been ministering to Johanna Barrett, the actual target of the investigation.
According to an interview Barrett gave to a North Georgia newspaper shortly after Ayers’ death, on the day he died the pastor had seen her walking near a gas station on her way back to an extended-stay motel where she lived with her boyfriend. Ayers had known Barrett for a number of years, and offered her a ride back to the motel. He also gave her the money in his pocket, $23, to help pay her rent.
The police were trailing Barrett at the time. But instead of apprehending her at the motel, they instead followed Ayers, who they saw hand Ayers cash.
They followed Ayers to a nearby gas station where he withdrew some money from an ATM. Shortly after he got back into his car, a black Escalade pulled up behind him. Three officers, all undercover, rushed Ayers’ vehicle and pointed their guns at him. The pastor panicked and attempted to escape. As he backed out, Ayers’ car grazed one police officer. Officer Billy Shane Harrison then opened fire, shooting Ayers in the stomach. Ayers drove for another thousand yards before crashing his car. He died at the hospital. His last words to his family and medical staff were that he thought he was being robbed. The police found no illicit drugs in his car.
A grand jury later declined to indict Harrison for any crime. District Attorney Brian Rickman praised the Georgia Bureau of Investigation for going to “very extraordinary lengths” to conduct a fair investigation. But a civil suit suggested otherwise. The complaint alleged that Harrison wasn’t authorized to arrest him. On the day Ayers was killed, Harrison had yet to take the firearms training classes required for his certification as a police officer. In fact, Harrison had no training at all in the use of lethal force.
Harrison’s lack of training was later confirmed by local TV station WSB-TV and, after the fact, by the GBI. Harrison was suspended. The civil suit also alleged prior disciplinary problems with Harrison and another officer involved in her husband’s death, including alleged drug use.
Casualty #6 – Tarika Wilson
In December 2008, an undercover narcotics cop in Lima, Ohio, had bought cocaine from 31-year-old Anthony Terry. They could have arrested Terry then, but they didn’t. They also could have arrested him two days before a raid on his home during a traffic stop when they found cocaine in the car. At the time he was pulled over, the police had been watching the home of Terry’s girlfriend, 26-year-old Tarika Wilson. Instead, on Jan. 4, 2009, the Lima SWAT team staged a pre-dawn raid on Wilson’s home.
Terry, on the first floor at the time, surrendered immediately. As Sgt. Joseph Chavalia ascended the steps to the second floor, he saw signs of movement in a bedroom. He ordered whomever was inside to drop to the floor. At about the same time, downstairs in the kitchen, one of Chavalia’s fellow officers fired a few rounds at Terry’s dogs. Chavalia mistook those shots for hostile fire and opened fire on the upstairs room. Two bullets from Chavalia’s gun struck Wilson in the neck, while she was on her knees, with one hand in the air. Her other hand was holding her 1-year-old son, Sincere. Wilson died. Sincere was shot in the shoulder, and had a finger amputated.
Chavalia was charged with negligent homicide and negligent assault. A jury acquitted him on both charges. At the trial, a use-of-force expert and former Los Angeles Police Department SWAT member said that if anything, Chavalia should have fired at the unarmed woman sooner.
Despite the prosecutor’s decision to charge Chavalia, an internal Lima PD investigation found that he had followed department use-of-force protocol. After his acquittal, Chavalia was returned to the force. Lima Police Chief Greg Garlock said he had no plans to change the way the police department used its SWAT team. In January 2010, the city of Lima settled with Wilson’s estate for $2.5 million. The money was put in a trust for Sincere and her other children.
Casualty #7 – Rev. Accleyne Williams
The Rev. Accleyne Williams, a 75-year-old retired minister, died of a heart attack on March 25, 1994, after struggling with 13 members of a masked, heavily armed Boston SWAT team that stormed his apartment. The police later revealed that an informant had given them incorrect information.
According to the Boston Herald, “a warrant authorizing the raid was approved by Suffolk County Assistant District Attorney Mary Lou Moran, even though the application supporting the warrant did not specify which apartment on the building’s second floor was to be targeted. It also failed to provide corroboration of the confidential informant’s tip that a Jamaican drug posse operated out of the building.”
Another police source told the Herald: “You’d be surprised at how easily this can happen. An informant can tell you it is the apartment on the left at the top of the stairs and there could be two apartments on the left at the top of the stairs . . . You are supposed to verify it, and I’m not making excuses, but mistakes can be made.”
Another Boston Herald investigation later discovered that three of the officers involved in the Williams raid had been accused in a 1989 civil rights suit of using nonexistent informants to secure drug warrants. The city had in fact just settled a suit stemming from a mistaken raid five years earlier. According to witnesses, one of the officers in that raid apologized as he left, telling the home’s terrified occupants, “This happens all the time.”
Casualty #8 – Ismael Mena
In 1999, a Denver SWAT team raided the wrong house, and in the process shot and killed 45-year old Ismael Mena, a Mexican immigrant and father of seven. The police were acting on a tip from an informant, and claimed they knocked and announced themselves. Mena’s family said they never heard a knock or announcement. Once the police had broken into Mena’s home, they ascended a staircase and kicked open Mena’s bedroom door, where they found him standing with a rifle. The police claimed Mena fired at them first, and they responded by shooting him eight times. They found no drugs or contraband in the home.
The Denver Police Department’s Internal Affairs division was the first to clear the SWAT cops of any wrongdoing, although it did find that the officer who prepared the search warrant had falsified information on an affidavit. A special prosecutor then cleared them as well. But several weeks later, new details started to filter out, raising new questions about the investigation, the raid, and the aftermath.
First, an assistant to the special prosecutor came out and said that Mena’s body had been moved. A crime lab report then determined that the gunshot residue taken from Mena’s hands didn’t match Mena’s gun. Instead, it was consistent with the sort of residue from submachine guns like those used by the Denver SWAT team. Neither Mena’s gun, nor the bullets inside it had fingerprints on them. The mounting evidence suggested someone had tampered with Mena and his gun after the SWAT team killed him.
The new evidence appeared to put Denver city and law enforcement officials on the defensive. Information began to leak out that Mena was a violent fugitive who was wanted in Mexico for murder. In truth, he had shot a man, claimed self-defense, and Mexican police declined to press charges. He wasn’t a fugitive, and had returned to Mexico to visit family several times since the incident. The Denver Police Department Intelligence Unit also started a “spy file” on an activist group that formed in 2000 to advocate for police reforms in the wake of Mena’s death. Several months later, Capt. Vince DiManna was transferred to lead that Intelligence Unit. DiManna also led the SWAT team that killed Mena.
In March 2000, the city of Denver settled with Mena’s family for $400,000.
A subsequent Denver Post investigation found that the city’s judges exercised almost no scrutiny at all when approving no-knock warrants. The Rocky Mountain News conducted its own investigation into the effectiveness of the warrants themselves. The paper found that of the 146 no-knock raids conducted in Denver in 1999, just 49 resulted in charges of any kind. Of those 49, two resulted in prison time.
Of those who police argued in warrant affidavits were dangerous enough to merit such dangerous tactics, a little over 1 percent went to prison. One former prosecutor said of the investigation, “When you have that violent intrusion on people’s homes with so little results, you have to ask why.” The investigation concluded that, “almost all of the 1999 no-knock cases were targeted at people suspected of being drug dealers. . . . Often the tips went unsubstantiated, and little in the way of narcotics was recovered. The problem doesn’t stem only from the work of inexperienced street cops, which city officials have maintained. Even veteran narcotics detectives sometimes seek no-knock warrants based on the word of an informant and without conducting undercover buys to verify the tips.”
A year before Mena’s death, Colorado state senator Jim Congrove (R-Arvada), a retired undercover narcotics detective, introduced legislation that would have put tighter regulations on the deployment of SWAT teams, the issuance of no-knock warrants and the use of no-knock raids. The bill was rejected.
Casualty #9 – Ashley Villarreal
Ashley Villarreal, 14, was shot and killed by DEA agents in 2003 in San Antonio.
Ashley was attempting to show off her driving skills to family friend David Robles by taking a drive around the block. But at the time, the DEA was investigating Ashley’s father, Joey Villarreal, for drug trafficking. As Ashley pulled out of the driveway of the home where Joey Villarreal’s mother and Ashley lived, the federal agents were in the process of staking out the house.
Later explaining that they had mistaken Robles for Ashley’s father, the agents boxed in the vehicle the girl was driving. They claimed she then continued driving toward them, at which point they opened fire, shooting her in the back of the head. Robles and several witnesses said the agents never identified themselves, and that Ashley posed no threat, given that her vehicle was already boxed in. The police found no drugs or weapons in the vehicle, or in the house, nor did they find any evidence that Ashley’s father had been using the house for drug trafficking.
Nevertheless, the agents were cleared of any wrongdoing. Joey Villarreal was later arrested, convicted of drug charges, and sentenced to 19 years in prison.
Values in a free society are accepted voluntarily, not through coercion, and certainly not by law… every time we write a law to control private behavior, we imply that somebody has to arrive with a gun, because if you desecrate the flag, you have to punish that person. So how do you do that? You send an agent of the government, perhaps an employee of the Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco and Flags, to arrest him. This is in many ways patriotism with a gun – if your actions do not fit the official definition of a “patriot,” we will send somebody to arrest you.
The foundation for a police state has been put in place, and it’s urgent we mobilize resistance before it’s too late… Central planning is intellectually bankrupt – and it has bankrupted our country and undermined our moral principles. Respect for individual liberty and dignity is the only answer to government force, force that serves the politically and economically powerful. Our planners and rulers are not geniuses, but rather demagogues and would-be dictators — always performing their tasks with a cover of humanitarian rhetoric…
When government uses force, liberty is sacrificed and the goals are lost. It is freedom that is the source of all creative energy